The Case for Cultivating Outlier Children in an Egalitarian Society
Trends in American society toward egalitarianism and anti-intellectualism are coming at the expense of gifted children. Intelligent children today are most likely to thrive outside of mainstream institutions.
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Subscribe to updatesWhy does America—a nation that celebrates individualism and achievement—have such an ambivalent attitude towards gifted children?
The core thesis of the book is that American culture has undergone a shift toward egalitarianism and anti-intellectualism that has come at the expense of gifted children. Dim prospects for reform, combined with the opportunities presented by technology and globalization, suggest that parents and others interested in nurturing intelligent children are most likely to succeed outside of mainstream institutions.
Part I explores where gifted children come from what distinguishes them from other children. It discusses the genetic and environmental factors that contribute both to the unique gifts and particular vulnerabilities of gifted children. It also examines why gifted children are overrepresented among certain ethnic, cultural, and regional demographics in American society.
Part II provides a historical account of how perceptions of gifted children have shifted since the early 20th century. It shows how, against the backdrop of growing egalitarianism and anti-intellectualism, gifted children came to be seen as a challenge to American ideals about equality and opportunity. Underinvestment in gifted children came to be seen as an acceptable price to pay in pursuit of other national objectives.
Part III looks for solutions. The conclusions in this book are premised on forecasts both pessimistic and optimistic. On the one hand, I argue that the cultural shifts that would need to occur in American society to provide proper nourishment for intellectual children are, at best, a generational challenge with a low likelihood of materializing. On the other hand, the parents and innovators profiled in this book illustrate the extraordinary, unprecedented opportunities that exist today to provide enrichment for gifted children outside of mainstream institutions.
Although the book does not shy away from policy prescriptions, it ultimately seeks answers not in the grinding process of public policy reform, but rather in the private sphere at the intersection of engaged parents, innovators, and technology. I will consider this book a success if it inspires an open-minded reader to act on behalf of gifted children—whether or not American society is ready to follow suit.
Chapter 1—The People Who Control Our Society
Many of the CEOs, political leaders, and artists who run our world were gifted children whose unique talents were identified and cultivated at an early age.
Chapter 2—Where Do Gifted Children Come From?
Gifted children emerge out of a unique set of cultural, genetic, and environmental circumstances, most of which are distinct from mainstream American society.
Chapter 3 —How Gifted Children Are Different
Gifted children are unique not only in their intelligence, but also in their behavior. They are distinguished by traits that do not fit well with standard forms of instruction.
Chapter 4—How America Discovered—and then Forgot about—Gifted Children
High IQ children drew the attention of America’s most prominent early 20th century intellectuals. When eugenics fell out of vogue, however, so too did popular interest in gifted education.
Chapter 5—Civil Rights and Gifted Children
The quest for racial and gender equality has led to a cultural ethos in which opportunities for gifted students are seen as distractions from the priority of elevating ordinary children.
Chapter 6—Drift from a Child-Centric Society
Changing norms in family structure have created a two-tiered society in which gifted children outside a socioeconomic elite lack proper intellectual nourishment.
Chapter 7—Neurotoxins and Childhood Intelligence
Mainstream health and childrearing practices—informed by a combination of bad science and corporate interest—are damaging children’s cognitive capabilities.
Chapter 8—American Authoritarianism
Gifted children’s need for autonomy has collided with an authoritarian trend in American childhood defined by overprotective parenting and institutions.
Chapter 9—Anti-intellectualism
Resistance to gifted and talented education stems from a broader cultural apathy toward intellectual enrichment.
Chapter 10—The Rise of Gifted Homeschooling/Unschooling
Parents are increasingly seeking enrichment for their gifted children outside mainstream institutions.
Chapter 11—Technology and the Future of Gifted Children
New research and technological breakthroughs in areas like gene therapy and cognitive enhancers are transforming the capabilities of gifted children.
Chapter 12—What America Can Learn from the World
Non-western countries are catching up to the West by investing in gifted children.
Chapter 13—Why Gifted Children (and their Parents) Deserve Special Rights
New legal paradigms and a revolution in children's rights are necessary to cultivate the talents of gifted children.
This book would be among the first to discuss gifted children in the context of American political and social trends. In doing so, it would offer a contrarian take on the most divisive issues in American society today including racial, ethnic, and socio-economic inequalities, parenting philosophies, and the state of America's health care system.
The reactions I received to my previous writing on related issues suggest that the book would appeal to three target audiences in particular.
(1) Parents of the more than 3 million gifted children in the United States. The book would help them understand why they face so many challenges in finding appropriate educational opportunities for their gifted and talented children and what they can do about it. Topics covered in the book would have particular relevance for Asian-Americans, the fastest growing racial and ethnic group in America, who are highly overrepresented in samples of gifted children across the country and at the forefront of debates on issues such as affirmative action.
(2) Scholars and practitioners interested in the politics of gifted education. The book's scope and sweep would be of interest not only to experts and teachers in the space, but also to readers interested more generally in controversies in American society regarding issues such as parenting trends, socioeconomic and racial inequality, and the implications of American culture and civic discourse on innovators and thought leaders.
(3) Readers interested in, and sympathetic to, the book's arguments and conclusions. These include, but are not limited to:
-- Parents of the more than 2 million homeschooled children in America, along with the growing number of millennial parents who are considering alternative education.
-- The 20 percent of parents who stay-at-home with their children, many of whom would sympathize with the book's strong endorsement of child-centric homes.
-- The more than 60 percent of Americans using alternative therapies. This community, which overlaps with advocates of attachment parenting, biohacking, and libertarianism, comprises an active sub-culture questioning medical orthodoxy. These groups would sympathize with the book's critiques of corporate influence in childcare and education policy, and welcome arguments calling for less government regulation and more market-based innovation to optimize children's intelligence.
This book would be an outgrowth of two recent articles I wrote in The American Conservative on childhood trends. These two articles alone generated the following coverage:
· A full segment on C-SPAN’s Washington Journal;
· Favorable mentions by prominent publications including the editorial boards of RealClearPolitics, The New York Post, RealClearEducation, and Townhall;
· Positive engagement on social media by organizations and advocacy groups, including Gifted Homeschoolers, Center for Families & Children, Davidson Academy, the Institute of Family Studies, and Tea Party Crusaders;
· Praise on social media by popular authors in this space including Charles Murray, Greg Lukianoff, Allen Mendenhall, Geoffrey Miller, Greg Lukianoff, Noah Millman, Curt Mills, and Lenore Skenazy;
· Supportive commentary on talk radio shows and podcasts such as the Kaiser Report, Mike Church Show, and Playgrounding.
· Engagement by scholars at the American Enterprise Institute, Liberty Institute, RAND Corporation, and numerous universities.
· A private speaking invitation from the Massachusetts Association for Gifted Education and the Thomas Fordham Institute
I would reach out to these individuals and groups to help drive sales.
My professional experience would be an asset in driving book sales. As executive editor at The American Conservative, I orchestrated a 115 percent increase in monthly article traffic from 319,000 unique views in Jan. to 685,000 in July using a promotion strategy that leveraged social media and recruited more than 70 new contributors. As a public affairs executive, I helped place more than 220 op-eds in a variety of publications. About 30 percent of these op-eds came from authors I recruited to the firm, many of whom would help promote my book.
I have appeared on the following TV networks and podcasts, where producers would potentially help promote my book: Full Frontal with Samantha Bee, Liberty Talk Radio, One America News, PlayGrounding podcast, and School for Startups Radio.
In terms of campus engagement, I would leverage my experience as former founder of the Ivy League Republican Caucus and member of the Yale Law School Federalist Society to generate speaking opportunities. I am also a member of Teneo, a professional network of hundreds of prominent conservative young professionals that has facilitated several successful book launches.
Although this book would be unique in the way it draws on different disciplines and tells the story of gifted children through a political lens, it would relate to other titles that touch on related themes. Some of these books have performed well on the 2018 and 2019 New York Times and Amazon bestseller lists.
-- Julie Bogard, The Brave Learner: Finding Everyday Magic in Homeschool, Learning, and Life, TarcherPerigee, 2019
Written from the perspective of a homeschooling mother, Bogard's book is intended primarily as an instructional guide for other homeschooling parents. It does not focus particularly on gifted children.
-- Ann Hulbert, Off the Charts: The Hidden Lives and Lessons of American Child Prodigies, Knopf/Deckle Edge, 2018
Hulbert focuses on the experiences of child prodigies in a variety of domains—a related but distinct group from intellectually gifted children.
-- Jennifer Jolly, A History of American Gifted Education, Routledge, 2018.
Jolly's book is the first comprehensive history of gifted education in the United States. Rather than a polemic, the book's primary contribution is to publish documents and artifacts to assist academic researchers in the field.
-- Greg Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt, The Coddling of the American Mind: How Good Intentions and Bad Ideas Are Setting Up a Generation for Failure, Penguin Press, 2018
Lukianoff and Haidt trace the divisive discourse on college campuses to trends in American childhood. While not focused specifically on gifted children, their critiques overlap with those in my book.
-- Thomas Sowell, Discrimination and Disparities, Basic Books, 2018
Sowell's sweeping research on the causes of different economic outcomes between groups offers commentary on a central question my book will address: Why do gifted children emerge so disproportionately from certain sub-groups?
Ian Warwick and Ray Speakman, Redefining More Able Education: Key Issues for Schools, Routledge, 2018
This academic book focuses primarily on the practicalities of instructing gifted and talented children.
-- Tara Westover, Educated; A Memoir, Random House, 2018
Westover's memoir of her journey from being homeschooled in rural Idaho to pursuing higher education at elite schools offers commentary on some of the alternative modes of education on which my book will provide a (more sympathetic) take.
Pratik Chougule is an author who has served as a magazine editor and policy aide. His writing and appearances on American childhood have appeared in numerous national and international outlets.
Introduction: The People Who Control Our Society
What Sergey Brin, Mark Zuckerberg, and Lady Gaga Have in Common
By the summer of 1968, Julian Stanley was getting bored. An avuncular 53-year-old professor, Stanley had followed an unlikely path from Macon public schools in Georgia to the faculty of Johns Hopkins University. In the first grade he had made all Cs—the teacher didn’t like that he kept his feet on his desk. But Stanley showed more promise with age. By third grade, he was doing well enough that his teachers recommended he skip the 4th grade.
Seeing that he had no particular skill at manual labor, Stanley’s working class father conceded by way of advice, “You better make a living with your brains ‘cause you’ll never do it with your hands.”[1]
After graduating from West Georgia Junior College, teaching math at a Georgia high school, and then serving in the Second World War, Stanley enrolled at Harvard University as a PhD student in education.
As a workaholic young professor, Stanley became an authority in the field of psychometrics. But he felt increasingly “sick and tired of dry-bone methodology.”[2]
A 12-year-old boy named Joseph Bates provided Stanley with just the diversion he was seeking. It would change Stanley’s life and revolutionize our understanding of highly intelligent children.
Bates had come to the attention of Stanley’s colleague in the computer science department,[3] who had organized a computer camp for middle school students. Bates, however, was so advanced that, as a 7th grader, he was already helping graduate students with FORTRAN programming.
Stanley was not entirely new to the field of intelligence studies. As a distracted undergraduate enrolled in a less-than-riveting course on rural sociology, Stanley had stumbled across a book in the library called Feeble-Mindedness: Its Causes and Consequences. The 1914 volume had emerged from the research of psychologist Henry Herbert Goddard. A pioneer in intelligence testing, Goddard was trying to discern the causes of debilitating mental conditions in children by tracing family histories.[4] Stanley later called it a “very bad book” on account of its eugenicist themes, but found it “very alluring and interesting” nevertheless, whetting his interest in intelligence.[5]
Influenced by the book, Stanley decided to give the boy the SAT in math and physics. Bates cracked 700 even though he had never taken physics.
Stanley and Bates’s father, a Baltimore attorney, decided that it would be best for Bates to enroll in some AP courses. When they approached local high schools, however, they were greeted with laughter. A local technological school also rejected him.
At a loss for options, Stanley reluctantly arranged for Bates to enroll at Johns Hopkins as a 13-year-old. Facing a 12-credit load in honors calculus, general physics, and computer science, Stanley assumed that he wouldn’t fare well—perhaps earning B’s and C’s—but that the “intellectual stimulation would be worth the shift.”[6]
Bates went on to earn a 3.69 GPA and graduate degrees in quantitative studies and computer science by age 17.[7]
When word spread about Bates, an “irritable mother” came to see Stanley. Seething with envy, she assured Stanley that her son was at least as bright as Bates. Much to Stanley’s surprise, the boy scored so well on the SAT that he agreed to arrange for his enrollment at Hopkins. Sufficiently challenged at Hopkins, the boy’s “rebelliousness” in school dissipated as he completed his sophomore year with a 3.65 GPA.[8]
After a third student—a 10th grader—found Hopkins to be too easy, only to get A+’s after transferring to Princeton, Stanley decided to create a more formal program.
As luck would have it, the Spencer Foundation was launched in 1971 with $80 million and a federal mandate to give at least 5 percent a year. Stanley knew the executive secretary because, a few years earlier, he had asked her on a date only to learn that she was engaged. She remembered him “very favorably” nevertheless and gladly entertained Stanley’s casual 4½ page, double-spaced typewritten proposal. Ultimately, Stanley was rewarded with a $256,000 grant to help mathematically talented students over five years.[9]
Of particular interest to Stanley as he got started was an ongoing longitudinal study initiated by Stanford university psychologist Lewis Terman in the 1920s. Terman suspected that the prevailing stereotype of his time—that highly intelligent children were feeble misfits doomed to psychological disturbance—was off base, and that these children were, in fact, healthy and brimming with potential.[10] IQ tests at the time were generally untested among American academics. But Terman maintained that IQ was “one of the most important facts that can be learned about any child.”[11] He identified over a thousand children with an average IQ of around 150 and followed the progress of his “Termites” as they endearingly became known—through adulthood.
As results from the Terman study came to light, critics pounced on the fact that the Termites, while attaining academic and financial achievements at rates considerably higher than the national average, had not, by and large, achieved the kind of outlier eminence Terman had hoped. Two future Nobel laureates in Physics—William Shockley and Luis Alvarez—did not make it through the initial vetting process. None of the Termites themselves won either Nobel or Pulitzer prizes.[12]
Stanley, however, was not deterred by Terman’s example. He had already seen that gifted adolescents could solve math problems on college admissions tests without even encountering the material in their coursework. Stanley believed that his Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY), as the program became known, could find children with the highest intellectual potential and help them reach that potential.[13]
Terman’s critics[14] have been conspicuously silent as the results of Stanley’s research have seeped into the public. Data on the intellectually talented 13-year-olds identified in the early days of Stanley’s program reveal that the group’s achievements have “far exceeded base-rate expectations” in terms of their representation on tenured faculty positions at major research universities, upper management at Fortune 500 companies, and the production of books and articles.[15] Notable too is the sizable number of patents the group produced given that patents are recognized as a uniquely objective measure of “inventive skill.”[16]
Duke University psychologist Jonathan Wai aggregated the SMPY data in 2014 along with other studies and found even more signs of outlier achievement in the top 1 percent. “The kids who test in the top 1% tend to become our eminent scientists and academics, our Fortune 500 CEOs and federal judges, senators and billionaires,” Wai concluded, “Whether we like it or not, these people really do control our society.”[17]
The extent to which Stanley’s subjects are overrepresented in the upper echelon of American society falsifies a longstanding belief that ability beyond a certain threshold has minimal value in determining life outcomes.[18] Adolescents with exceptional mathematical or verbal reasoning abilities (top 1 in 10,000) pursued doctoral degrees at rates over 50 times base-rate expectations, with 42 percent doing so at top 10 universities. While many of these individuals did have advantages attributable to their high socioeconomic status, sibling studies suggest that innate talent was a driving factor.[19] The top 1 in 10,000, concluded Vanderbilt psychologists, “seem to be on a different and much steeper developmental trajectory than even the top 1 in 100.”[20]
Why did the students in Stanley’s study end up performing at such a high level?
Part of the answer is the improved research design Stanley used. The individuals in Stanley’s study involved individuals at a higher level of functioning than previous studies. Rather than relying only on tests of highly verbal, general ability measures, Stanley used mathematical reasoning to capture important nonverbal measures of exceptional intellectual talent. Had Terman utilized this methodology, he likely would have included such end-point extremes as Alvarez and Shockley.[21]
Another is the “radical” interventions from which the individuals in Stanley’s program benefited. Stanley later described his programs as “benignly insidious”—benign because they were seeking to help gifted students, insidious because of the way they “clobbered” school bureaucracies.[22] Stanley’s strategy was to establish as much direct contact with students as possible so that they would be empowered to make choices without the biases of parents and school boards. In doing so, they “worked underground” and ultimately set precedents that the schools were otherwise resisting.[23] Ninety-five percent of the most able cohort in the SMPY’s 10-year follow-up, for instance, experienced educational acceleration.[24]
The most enduring of Stanley’s interventions was the establishment in the 1980s of the Johns Hopkins University’s Center for Talented Youth. Open to adolescents who scored in the top 1 percent on university exams, the enrichment programs helped produce not only intellectual pioneers such as Google co-founder Sergey Brin, Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg, and mathematicians Terrence Tao and Lenhard Ng,[25] but also celebrities in the arts such as musician Stefani Germanotta (Lady Gaga).[26]
But perhaps the most significant reason has to do with the changing nature of the global economy. The exceptionally talented youth that Stanley identified entered adulthood at a time when the most valued expertise depends on precisely the type of intelligence measured in mathematical talent searches.[27] Previous studies, such as those conducted by Terman, occurred in a context in which the economy was less technologically and knowledge based. For the students in Terman’s study, born between 1903 and 1917, opportunities for utilizing one’s cognitive abilities were more limited, particularly for women and minorities.[28]
By the mid-1990s, studies indicated that general intelligence had become the “most powerful single predictor of overall job performance”, trumping every other single factor measured such as specific aptitude, personality, education, and experience in its high predictive validities.[29] A 1997 study in Intelligence estimated that an IQ of about 120 (the 91st percentile) was needed to be “competitive for the highest level jobs.”[30]
And these studies were published before the rise of tech giants, which, as late as 1998, did not even appear on the Fortune 500 list.[31] Less than two decades later, 17 of the top 20 U.S. companies for attracting and keeping talented employees were tech companies[32] and coding had become the most in-demand skill across industries.[33] Guided by a mantra to “hire only the best”, a screening process relying on grades and SAT scores is only the beginning of an intellectually-demanding funnel through which less than 1 percent of applicants emerge with a job offer from Google.[34] Google is only acting on an insight Bill Gates articulated as Microsoft CEO at the dawn of the tech revolution. The key to success, Gates had assessed, is “hiring very smart people. There is no way of getting around, that in terms of I.Q., you’ve got to be very elitist.”[35]
The occupational advantages afforded by high intelligence may be among the reasons why recent research has discerned an association not only with professional success, but also between increasing IQ and life outcomes such as happiness.[36]
The most common pathway to prestigious academic and industry jobs is a small network of elite universities. With the advent of sex-blind and need-blind admissions, as well as greater international recruiting, merit-based admissions processes at these schools function to a great extent as proxies for intelligence. A mere three point advantage in IQ can amount to the difference between a high B average and a low A—the difference between admission into an elite school or a more ordinary public one.[37] Estimates suggest that the average IQ of an Ivy League student is 122,[38] while the average IQ of a white or Asian student at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology has risen to 138.[39] Harvard Law School professor Lani Guinier argues that high-stakes admissions testing has become so consequential that a “testocracy” now forms “the building blocks of a secular religion.”[40]
America not only rewards the gifted, it often lionizes their achievements. Bestselling books and movies on great innovators tend to feature the “lone-genius mythos”—a romantic narrative in which a solitary genius produces earth-changing insights in an indiscernible moment of brilliance.[41] It’s a storyline that sits comfortably with the country’s individualist ethos.
America’s fascination with the “lone genius”, however, has not generated a corresponding enthusiasm for proactively finding and cultivating the children most likely to be the next Ben Franklin, Thomas Edison, or Steve Jobs. A federal government that spends well over $100 billion on education per year does not provide direct funding to local school districts for gifted and talented programs.[42] The 2004 Templeton National Report on Acceleration found that the dearth of opportunities for gifted children in the American school system had reached the point of “a national scandal” that would manifest in “the slow but steady erosion of excellence.”[43] Landmark educational reforms since the report’s publication—which mandate standards that gifted children far exceed—have fueled further cuts in programs for the intellectually gifted.
Innovative schools like the Reno-based Davidson Academy, which accepts only the top .01 percent of scorers on achievements tests, are not being replicated to any significant extent—not even in highly educated corridors of the country. Gifted programs that have survived spending cuts are increasingly being “democratized” to accommodate non-academic talent.[44] And those schools clinging to their identities as specialized systems for gifted students are besieged by legislation and lawsuits aimed at eliminating intelligence testing.[45] In a particularly high-profile case, New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio is seeking to eliminate the admissions test for the Bronx High School of Science, the alma mater of more Nobel Prize winning scientists than any other secondary school.[46]
The consequences of America’s underinvestment in gifted children are difficult to measure, but glimpses can be seen in the underrepresentation of native-born students in the highest echelons of American society. Although the United States continues to generate far more wealth, scientific breakthroughs, and innovation than any other country in the world, these achievements are increasingly being driven by Americans who spent their childhoods outside the country. Consider that:
· 17 percent of billionaires under age 40 are immigrants[47] even though close to half of immigrants to the United States are limited English proficient and well under a third have a bachelor’s degree or higher[48];
· A third of publicly-traded venture-backed companies in the United States between 2006 and 2012 were founded by immigrants, up from just 7 percent before 1980;[49] and
· 40 percent of American Nobel Prize winners in science since 2000 were immigrants and all six American winners in science in 2016 were immigrants.[50]
Why does America—a nation that celebrates individualism and achievement—have such an ambivalent attitude towards gifted children?
The core thesis of the book is that American culture has undergone a shift toward egalitarianism and anti-intellectualism that has come at the expense of gifted children. Dim prospects for reform, combined with the opportunities presented by technology and globalization, suggest that parents and others interested in nurturing intelligent children are most likely to succeed outside of mainstream institutions.
Part I explores where gifted children come from what distinguishes them from other children. It discusses the genetic and environmental factors that contribute both to the unique gifts and particular vulnerabilities of gifted children. It also examines why gifted children are overrepresented among certain ethnic, cultural, and regional demographics in American society.
Part II provides a historical account of how perceptions of gifted children have shifted since the early 20th century. It shows how, against the backdrop of growing egalitarianism and anti-intellectualism, gifted children came to be seen as a challenge to American ideals about equality and opportunity. Underinvestment in gifted children came to be seen as an acceptable price to pay in pursuit of other national objectives.
Part III looks for solutions. The conclusions in this book are premised on forecasts both pessimistic and optimistic. On the one hand, I argue that the cultural shifts that would need to occur in American society to provide proper nourishment for intellectual children are, at best, a generational challenge with a low likelihood of materializing. On the other hand, the parents and innovators profiled in this book illustrate the extraordinary, unprecedented opportunities that exist today to provide enrichment for gifted children outside of mainstream institutions.
Although the book does not shy away from policy prescriptions, it ultimately seeks answers not in the grinding process of public policy reform, but rather in the private sphere at the intersection of engaged parents, innovators, and technology. I will consider this book a success if it inspires an open-minded reader to act on behalf of gifted children—whether or not American society is ready to follow suit.
[2] Benbow, C. P. & Lubinski D. (2006) Julian C. Stanley Jr. (1918-2005). American Psychologist, 61(3), 251-252, available at: https://web.archive.org/web/20...
[3] Julian Stanley, “Rationale of the Study of Mathematically Precocious Youth (SMPY) During Its First Five Years of Promoting Educational Acceleration,” in Julian Stanley, William George, and Cecilia Solano, ed. The Gifted and the Creative: A Fifty-Year Perspective, Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975, p. 76.
[4] Leila Zenderland, Measuring Minds: Henry Herbert Goddard and the Origins of American Intelligence Testing, Cambridge University Press, 1998, pp. 144,188-91.
[5] Julian Stanley interview with Camilla Benbow, Vanderbilt University, 6 December 2002, available at:
[6] Daniel Keating and Julian Stanley, “Extreme Measures for the Exceptionally Gifted in Mathematics and Science,” Educational Researcher, vol. 1, no. 9, September 1972, 5.
Julian Stanley interview with Camilla Benbow, Vanderbilt University, 6 December 2002, available at:
[7] Peter Smith, “The 62-Year-Old Child Genius,” Topic, available at: https://www.topic.com/the-62-y...
[8] Daniel Keating and Julian Stanley, “Extreme Measures for the Exceptionally Gifted in Mathematics and Science,” Educational Researcher, vol. 1, no. 9, September 1972, 6.
[9] Julian Stanley interview with Camilla Benbow, Vanderbilt University, 6 December 2002, available at:
[10] Robert Sears, “L.M. Terman, Pioneer in Mental Measurement,” Science, Vol. 125, No. 3255, 17 May 1957, pp. 978-9; Mitchell Leslie, “The Vexing Legacy of Lewis Terman,” Stanford Magazine, July/August 2000, available at: https://alumni.stanford.edu/ge...
[12] Mitchell Leslie, “The Vexing Legacy of Lewis Terman,” Stanford Magazine, July/August 2000, available at: https://alumni.stanford.edu/ge...
[13] Tom Clynes, “How to raise a genius: lessons from a 45-year study of super-smart children,” Nature, 7 September 2016, available at: https://www.nature.com/news/ho...
[14] See for example Malcolm Gladwell, Outliers: The Story of Success, New York: Little, Brown and Company, p. 76, 89: Terman “was wrong about his Termites....He fell in love with the fact that his Termites were at the absolute pinnacle of the intellectual scale—at the ninety-ninth percentile of the ninety-ninth percentile—without realizing how little that seemingly extraordinary fact meant.”
[15] Lubinski, D., Benbow, C. P., & Kell, H. J. (2014). Life paths and accomplishments of mathematically precocious males and females four decades later. Psychological Science, 25, 2217-2232.
[16] Huber, J. C. (1999). Inventive productivity and the statistics of exceedances. Scientometrics, 45, 33–53.
[17] Tom Clynes, “How to raise a genius: lessons from a 45-year study of super-smart children,” Nature, 7 September 2016, available at: https://www.nature.com/news/ho...
[18] For examples of the ability threshold claim, see Howe, M. J. A. (2001). IQ in question: The truth about intelligence. London: Sage, 163; Muller, C. B., Ride, S. M., Fouke, J., Whitney, T., Denton, D. D., Cantor, N., et al. (2005, February 18). Gender differences and performance in science. Science, 307, 1043.;
[19] Lubinski, D., Webb, R. M., Morelock, M. J., & Benbow, C. P. (2001). Top 1 in 10,000: A 10-year follow-up of the profoundly gifted. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 718– 729.
[20] Lubinski, D., Webb, R. M., Morelock, M. J., & Benbow, C. P. (2001). Top 1 in 10,000: A 10-year follow-up of the profoundly gifted. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 726.
[21] Lubinski, D., Webb, R. M., Morelock, M. J., & Benbow, C. P. (2001). Top 1 in 10,000: A 10-year follow-up of the profoundly gifted. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 719, 726; Shurkin, J. N. (1992). Terman's kids: The groundbreaking study of how the gifted grow up. Boston: Little, Brown; 35.
[22] Julian Stanley interview with Camilla Benbow, Vanderbilt University, 6 December 2002, available at:
[23] Julian Stanley interview with Camilla Benbow, Vanderbilt University, 6 December 2002, available at:
[24] Lubinski, D., Webb, R. M., Morelock, M. J., & Benbow, C. P. (2001). Top 1 in 10,000: A 10-year follow-up of the profoundly gifted. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 720.
[25] Michelle Muratori et. al, “Insights From SMPY’s Greatest Former Child Prodigies: Drs. Terence (“Terry”) Tao and Lenhard (“Lenny”) Ng Reflect on Their Talent Development,” Gifted Child Quarterly, 1 October 2006, available at: http://journals.sagepub.com/do...
[26] Tom Clynes, “How to raise a genius: lessons from a 45-year study of super-smart children,” Nature, 7 September 2016, available at: https://www.nature.com/news/ho...
[27] Lubinski, D., Webb, R. M., Morelock, M. J., & Benbow, C. P. (2001). Top 1 in 10,000: A 10-year follow-up of the profoundly gifted. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 719.
[28] Lubinski, D., Webb, R. M., Morelock, M. J., & Benbow, C. P. (2001). Top 1 in 10,000: A 10-year follow-up of the profoundly gifted. Journal of Applied Psychology, 86, 719.
[29] Gottfredson, L. (1997). Why g matters: The complexity of everyday life. Intelligence, 24, 83.
[30] Gottfredson, L. (1997). Why g matters: The complexity of everyday life. Intelligence, 24, 90.
[31] Preeti Varathan, “Just three companies have topped the Fortune 500 since 1955,” Quartz, 21 May 2018, available at: https://qz.com/1283342/fortune...
[32] Lydia Dishman, “The Skills It Takes To Get Hired At Google, Facebook, Amazon, And More,” Fast Company, 24 June 2016, available at: https://www.fastcompany.com/30...
[33] “Why Coding Is Still The Most Important Job Skill Of The Future,” Fast Company, 14 June 2016, available at: https://www.fastcompany.com/30...
[34] William Poundstone, Are You Smart Enough to Work at Google: Trick Questions, Zen-like Riddles, Insanely Difficult Puzzles, and Other Devious Interviewing Techniques You Need to Know to Get a Job Anywhere in the New Economy, Little, Brown, and Company, 2012; Bernard Girard, The Google Way: How One Company Is Revolutionizing Management As We Know It, No Starch Press, 2009.
[35] Bill Gates, interview by David Allison, “Transcript of a Video History Interview with Mr. William “Bill” Gates,” Microsoft Corporation, Bellevue, Washington, available at: http://americanhistory.si.edu/...
[36] Ali, A. et al. (2013). The relationship between happiness and intelligent quotient: the contribution of socio-economic and clinical factors. Psychological Medicine, 43(6). 1303-1312, available at: https://www.cambridge.org/core...
[37] Benedict Carey, “Research Finds Firstborns Gain the Higher I.Q.” New York Times, 22 June 2007, available at: https://www.nytimes.com/2007/0...
[38] “More Evidence that Ivy League students average IQ 122,” Pumpkin Person, 15 January 2016, available at: https://pumpkinperson.com/2016...
[40] Lani Guinier, The Tyranny of the Meritocracy: Democratizing Higher Education in America, Boston: Beacon Press, 2015, ix.
[41] Ágnes Mócsy, “The Lone Genius Paradigm and Our Infatuation With Intellectual Heroes,” Huffington Post, 6 December 2017, available at: https://www.huffingtonpost.com/agnes-mocsy/the-lone-genius-paradigm_b_9422682.html; See also Kathryn Olesko, “Myth 25: That Science Has Been Largely a Solitary Enterprise,” in Ronald Numbers and Kostas Kampourakis ed. Newton’s Apple and Other Myths about Science, Harvard University Press, 2015.
[42] “Frequently Asked Questions about Gifted Education,” National Association for Gifted Children, available at: https://www.nagc.org/resources...
[43] Nicholas Colangelo. A Nation Deceived: How Schools Hold Back America's Brightest Students. Iowa City, Iowa: The Connie Belin & Jacqueline N. Blank International Center for Gifted Education and Talent Development, University of Iowa, 2004, 1, available at: http://www.accelerationinstitu...
[44] Linda Gottfredson, “Unmasking the Egalitarian Fiction,” Duke Gifted Letter, Spring 2010, p. 10, available at: http://www1.udel.edu/educ/gottfredson/reprints/2006DukeGifted.pdf; Jonathan Plucker, “Common Core and America’s High-Achieving Students,” Thomas Fordham Institute, 2015, available at: http://edex.s3-us-west-2.amazo...
[45] See for example Grace Chen, “Prestigious High School in Virginia Faces Civil Rights Lawsuit,” Public School Review, 2 December 2017, available at: https://www.publicschoolreview...
[46] Kerri MacDonald, “At Bronx High School of Science, a Nobel Homecoming,” The New York Times, 15 October 2010, available at: https://cityroom.blogs.nytimes...
[47] Kate Vinton, “The Youngest Billionaires In The World 2017: 56 Under 40,” 20 March 2017, available at: https://www.forbes.com/sites/k...
[48] Jie Zong, Jeanne Batalova, and Jeffrey Hallock, “Frequently Requested Statistics on Immigrants and Immigration in the United States,” Migration Policy Institute, 8 February 2018, available at: https://www.migrationpolicy.or...
[49] Stuart Anderson, “American Made 2.0: How Immigrant Entrepreneurs Continue to Contribute to the U.S. Economy,” National Foundation for Economic Policy, available at: http://www.nfap.com/pdf/Americ...
[50] “Immigrants and Nobel Prizes,” National Foundation for American Policy Policy Brief, October 2016, available at: http://nfap.com/wp-content/upl...
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